Sculpture of Confucius from the Ming Dynasty
Sculpture of AmaterasuSculpture of Dainichi Nyorai
Religion in Medieval and Early Modern Japan
Icon of a bodhisattva under a Shinto torii with a Japanese sun
Kasuga Mandala Reliquary Shrine
Shinto and Buddhism in the Medieval Period
Womb World Mandala representing "kokutai" (the National Body)Two major Japanese perspectives that provide an overview of Japanese religion are those of Shinto and Buddhism. Although each tradition includes a wide range of attitudes and commitments, for the purpose of our discussion we can assume two contrasting “voices” that highlight the problem of conceptualizing Japanese religion. Generally, Shinto priests and scholars in modern times have viewed Shinto from the vantage point of the post-Meiji-era when Shinto was legally isolated from Buddhism and became much more highly organized as a distinct institutional “religion” than in pre-Meiji times. From their viewpoint, Shinto is seen as the “unique” Japanese religious heritage, with direct continuity from prehistoric times down to the present, temporarily dominated by foreign traditions such as Buddhism, but throughout history representing the “authentic” national spiritual heritage. In this perception, Shinto’s modern identity and more organized character have been considered as present in much earlier times; however, even more important, Shinto is perceived not so much as a formal religious institution, but rather as a permanent and indelible feature of Japanese culture and religion. Therefore, following this line of reasoning, because the kami created the Japanese islands and the kami are the source of Japanese people and all life (such as the all-important rice), implicitly or unconsciously all Japanese are considered to “naturally” [i.e. “essentially”] be a part of Shinto.
bamboo page divider
Womb World MandalaGenerally, Buddhist priests and scholars in modern times share with Shinto priests and scholars a post-Meiji conception of Shinto and Buddhism as two separate religions. But there is considerable divergence between the two groups of priests and scholars and their notions of the differences and relationships between the respective traditions. Buddhism’s modern viewpoint is shaped even more by the perception of religion and Buddhism gained from sophisticated Buddhist studies focusing not only on Buddhism as a philosophical tradition but also on each Buddhist sect as a separate ecclesiastical and doctrinal heritage. In other words, Buddhism and religion in general are viewed as highly organized institutions with elaborate doctrine and ecclesiastical structures. From this vantage point, Buddhist spokespeople have often looked down on early Shinto as a “primitive” religion without a complex organizational form and as holding implicit and uncritical “animistic” beliefs in spirits rather than explicit bodies of codified doctrine and systematic philosophy. In fact, from the viewpoint of Buddhism and a highly formal view of religion, it has been argued that Shinto did not exist as a full-fledged religion until quite recently, and that Buddhism provided the main Japanese religious heritage from ancient and medieval times down to about the Meiji period.
Red Button: "The Blue Button is True" and Blue Button: "The Red Button is False"
These two polemical, almost contradictory, viewpoints present us with a dilemma. Should we see Shinto as the implicit or unconscious spiritual heritage of the Japanese people, in other words, the unique religious tradition of the Japanese nation? Or should we consider Shinto a loose set of primitive beliefs not organized as a religion until the nineteenth century? Before we make a choice between these two alternatives, we should recognize a hidden assumption within this critical view of Shinto. If the critique of “Shinto” as a concept is that it is not highly organized, but rather a loose set of animistic or “primitive” beliefs, does this mean that the concept of “Buddhism” is a set of formally organized institutions with abstract doctrines?
 
Omamori for sale at a templeor shrine
 
We need only return to the Nara period to remember that Buddhism, for all its institutional and doctrinal complexity, was accepted and practiced for various magical techniques and worldly benefits. Throughout its history in Japan, down to the present, Buddhism has been received, believed, and invoked by people mainly for its practical benefits, not for its institutional strength or doctrinal superiority. This makes the choices more complex: we can view Japanese religion through Shinto theory or Buddhist doctrine; turning this upside down, we could view Japanese religion through Shinto practice or Buddhist practice. (Japanese Religion, 116-7)
Icon of a bodhisattva under a Shinto torii with a Japanese sun
Escher print of water flowing upward
Two Good Lessons
There are two good lessons from this consideration of how to interpret Shinto, something to keep in mind throughout our consideration of Japanese religion. One lesson is to remember that our contemporary notion of religion as an area of life separate from other areas, and as discrete traditions rather compartmentalized one from another, was not present in premodern Japan. Another lesson is that whenever we view Shinto, or Buddhism, or Japanese religion, we should ask ourselves what viewpoint we are using, and the advantages and limitations of that viewpoint. (Japanese Religion, 118)
 
Escher print of angels or demons (depending on your perspective)
A Buddhist Transformation of Shinto ...
... Or a Shinto Transformation of Buddhism?
In summary, on the formal and institutional level Buddhism seemed to overwhelm Shinto, but on the informal and local level Buddhism never superseded Shinto. In fact, Shinto’s appropriation of Buddhist symbols and rites helped enhance Buddhism’s popular appeal. As Buddhism was accepted by the Japanese people and they were converted as Buddhists, Buddhism itself was transformed into a Japanese religious reality. It can be argued that although Buddhism seemed to triumph on the surface, the religious life of Shinto persevered — even within Buddhist forms, beneath the surface.
Buddhist altar (Butsudan)
One Buddhologist, writing mainly about Kamakura Buddhism, has made a point that applies generally to Buddhism in the premodern period: “the truly unique character of Japanese Buddhism seems to have been the institutional, doctrinal, and ritual integration of Buddhism and Shinto.” (Japanese Religion, 119)
Icon of a bodhisattva under a Shinto torii with a Japanese sun
Hie Sanno Mandara detail showing relationship between Buddhist and Shinto deities
Honji-Suijaku
本地垂迹

Prince Shotoku writing the 17-Article Constitution
To understand Buddhist-Shinto syncretism in the ensuing centuries, it is important to notice how Shotoku’s and Shomu’s strategies for synthesis differed. Shotoku’s Seventeen-Article Constitution synthesized Buddhism and Confucianism by establishing an external relation between the two. Each tradition retained its identity and independence by being assigned a different domain of authority. ... [The] complementarity allows the Confucian aspect to remain completely Confucian and the Buddhist aspect completely Buddhist. The integrity of each tradition was not penetrated by the other tradition, and their interface was negotiated by giving each its own sphere of influence. It was as if Shotoku was working out a contract or treaty between the two imported traditions.
 
Diagram depicting External and Internal Relations
 
When Emperor Shomu melded Buddhism with Shinto a century and a half later, however, his synthesis nurtured an internal relation between the two. He had discovered an overlap in the symbol systems of the two traditions: the spirituality of the sun. For Shinto this spirituality lay in the sun kami, Amaterasu. This was especially important to Shomu because Kojiki  and Nihonshoki (written just a few decades earlier) had formally promulgated the familial connection between Amaterasu and the imperial line. For the Buddhist side of the equation, Shomu knew that the Kegon school, one of the most prominent Buddhist groups in Nara, considered the Sun Buddha to be the basic spiritual principle of the whole cosmos. ...
 
Todaiji Daibutsu
 
As we have seen, when Shomu built Nara’s Great Temple to the East (Todai-ji) in the mid-eight century, he assigned the temple to the Kegon school, cast the monumental bronze image of the Great Sun Buddha, and took for himself a lay ordination name using a variant appellation for the same Buddha. ... In effect, he made himself a holographic entry point for the intersection of the two traditions. Through such a tactic he could be the chief priest of Shinto — a direct descendant of the sun kami — while simultaneously being an ordained Buddhist layman. (SWH, 93-4)
 
Painting of Hachiman (Buddhist/Shinto deity)Perhaps the best way to introduce medieval Shinto is to discuss it in terms of the traditions that influenced it. Although Buddhism was not the only influential tradition, it was undoubtedly the most important. The Buddhist theory of honji-suijaku (“original substance manifests traces”) pervaded practically the whole of Shinto. The theory of honji-suijaku, transmitted from China to Japan, became the theoretical foundation for considering Japanese kami as “manifest traces” (suijaku) or counterparts of the “original substance” (honji) of particular Buddhas and bodhisattvas. For example, as early as the Nara period, Hachiman was considered both a kami and a bodhisattva without a clear distinction of Shinto or Buddhist identity. In later periods almost every Shinto shrine considered its enshrined kami as the counterpart of some Buddha or Buddhist divinity. It was customary to enshrine statues of these Buddhist counterparts in Shinto shrines, and this practice further encouraged the interaction of Buddhist and Shinto priests. (Japanese Religion, 120-1)
 
The honji suijaku theory was an extension of the idea that the universe is really the activity of the Cosmic Buddha and that everything we think of as the cosmos is only the symbolic expression of this activity. Hence all the various buddhas and bodhisattvas are ultimately symbolic expressions, almost like emanations, of the single Cosmic Buddha. For esoteric Buddhism, the “ground of reality” (honji) is Buddha-filled; but this ground has “traces” (suijaku) giving us the kami-filled world of Shinto belief. By this reasoning, the various kami are surface manifestations of buddhas existing on a deeper level of reality (which are themselves emanating from the Cosmic Buddha).
 
Womb World Mandala
 
The honji suijaku theory was, therefore, an explanation of how a universal (Buddhist) reality could become localized as a Japanese (Shinto) reality. This is fully in accord with the more traditional esoteric Buddhist belief that the entire cosmos is the Cosmic Buddha and the world as we know it is the manifestation of the activities of this Buddha. Esoteric Buddhists use mandalas to portray how all buddhas emanate from the Cosmic Buddha (usually considered Dainichi).
 
Womb World Mandala with Amaterasu in the center
 
In accord with the honji suijaku theory, so-called suijaku art developed similar mandalas with kami portrayed in place of the buddhas. This usually meant that Amaterasu replaced Dainichi at the mandala’s center, suggesting in effect that all the kami emanated from her. In short: esoteric Buddhist theory tended to fuse with traditional Shinto beliefs by intellectually assimilating it, making it a manifestation — but only one manifestation — within the broader Buddhist worldview. (SWH, 98)
 
Sculpture of Amaterasu
Medieval Shinto
The Tendai and Shingon Traditions
One significant system of borrowing between Shinto and Buddhism was at Mount Hiei, the mountain headquarters of Tendai. (The basic mode of borrowing was similar at Mount Koya, the mountain headquarters of Shingon.) In the Heian period, Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples stood side by side, and priests of Shinto and Buddhism sometimes participated in each other’s rites. The founders of the two Buddhist sects, Dengyo Daishi and Kobo Daishi, thought it only natural that shrines should be erected to honor the local kami of their respective mountains. Gradually there emerged at each locale individual forms of thought and practice that related the Shinto kami and Buddhist doctrine. Because the Tendai headquarters was modeled after the Chinese mountain headquarters by the same name (T’ien-t’ai in Chinese), the Tendai scholars had a Chinese precedent to follow in recognizing local deities. The collective name for the local Japanese kami and Buddhas at Mount Hiei, adopted from the Chinese, was “mountain king” (pronounced “Sanno” in Japanese); they were worshiped at the Shinto shrine Hie Taisha at the foot of Mount Hiei. “Grounded in both local and elite native traditions, the Shinto shrines of Hiei came to be seen as the protectors of the Buddhist institutions of Mount Hiei with which they gradually evolved systematic relations at all levels of existence. (Japanese Religion, 121-2)
Icon of a bodhisattva under a Shinto torii with a Japanese sun
Hie Sanno Mandara showing Enryakuji (Buddhist Temple complex) at the top of the mountain and Hiyoshi Taisha (Shinto shrine) at the bottom of the mountain
The theoretical foundation of the system, according to Tendai, was found in the highly revered Lotus Sutra. This text states that all the Buddhas that come into the world are only “one reality” (ichi jitsu) — the Tendai concept of an absolute reality behind the whole universe. The theory was used to argue that the various kami are Japanese historical appearances that correspond to Buddhist divinities, all of which are subsumed in the “one reality.” This form of Shinto was called either “Sanno Shinto” or “Ichi-jitsu Shinto.” The honji-suijaku theory set up a general framework of correspondences between kami and Buddhist divinities; Ichi-jitsu Shinto developed a particular theory of correspondences based on Tendai teaching. (Japanese Religion, 122)
 
Three Kami of Mt. Hie are forms of Three Buddhas, which are themselves forms of the Mountain King Avatars of Hiei Shrine.
Icon of a bodhisattva under a Shinto torii with a Japanese sun
Diamond World Mandala
Sculpture of Amaterasu
Womb World Mandala
In the same vein, we can see Shinto absorbing the Shingon notion that the whole world can best be understood through two mandala. The symbolic pictures of the cosmos represent the bipolar character of existence evident in the mutually opposing forces of matter-mind, male-female, and dynamic expression-static potential. Within this ideological framework, Shinto priests could coordinate Japanese kami and Buddhist divinities, for they could place some kami within the womb mandala and other kami within the diamond mandala. Because this style of Shinto emphasized the two mandala of Shingon, it was called Ryobu Shinto. Ryobu means “two parts” or “dual,” and sometimes Ryobu Shinto has been called “Dual Shinto.” A famous example of the rationale of Ryobu Shinto is found at the Ise Shrines, the most venerated shrines in Japan. Amaterasu, the Sun Goddess and ancestress of the imperial family, is enshrined at Ise. In later times the Sun Goddess came to be equated with the Sun Buddha (Dainichi or Birushana or Vairocana) of the Mahavairocana Sutra, which is the main scripture of Shingon. The Ise Shrines, which include the Inner Shrine and Outer Shrine, came to be considered representations of the two mandala of Shingon. (Japanese Religion, 122-3)
 
Ryobu (Dual) Shinto represented by maps of the "Inner" and "Outer" Shrines at Ise
Icon of a bodhisattva under a Shinto torii with a Japanese sun
Womb World Mandala with Amaterasu in the center
From the very moment when Shinto arose, we see a general picture of Shinto appropriating as much as it could of the continental traditions. But Shinto was not a passive recipient of these influences; rather, it actively adapted the new elements. The apparent reason for this appropriation and adaptation was to strengthen and organize Shinto. Then, as Shinto became more self-confident, it attempted to reassert its distinctiveness and superiority.
       A good example of Shinto adaptation is the Yui-itsu (or Yui-ichi) school of Shinto. This school set forth a reverse honji-suijaku theory (han-honji-suijaku), making the Japanese kami the “original substance” (honji) and the Buddhist divinity the “manifest trace” (suijaku) and giving the superior position to the Japanese kami. The Yui-itsu school of Shinto, sometimes named after the Urabe or Yoshida family, developed a comprehensive pantheistic system on this basic principle, making Shinto into an all-embracing philosophy and religion. The Yui-itsu school and other Shinto scholars used similar schemes to try to set themselves apart from Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism. However, from our historical vantage point we can see that they could not escape from the received influence. The pantheistic system was pervaded by the very Buddhist influence that Shinto scholars were trying to escape. Nevertheless, these movements are important for understanding the growing Shinto concern to “purify” itself and to regain its former position of glory. (Japanese Religion, 124)
Tokugawa Crest Tokugawa Crest
Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu
Nobunaga ~ Hideyoshi ~ Ieyasu
From the Sengoku Period to the Tokugawa Shogunate
The Sengoku (Warring States) ended with the successive rule of three great warlords, each of whom managed to emerge above all other lords to unify Japan under a single authoritarian government in his day. They were Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582), Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537-1598), and Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543-1616). Each was a man of strong individual character, and each had a distinctive attitude toward religion.
 
Oda Nobunaga
Oda Nobunaga
Nobunaga, a cold, ruthless warrior, generally hated religion. ... It was he who, in the process of bringing all Japan under his sway, slaughtered the monks of Mount Hiei and burned their temples in 1571, and who received the surrender of the Ikko ikki [a militant group who followed the Jodo-Shinshu sect of Pure Land Buddhism] in 1580.
 
Mt. Hiei on fire (at the hands of Oda Nobunaga)
 
Ironically enough, it was also during Nobunaga’s heyday that a totally unexpectd new politico-religious force arrived in Japan: Europeans and with them Christianity. ... Some lords and not a few others were baptized; by the death of Nobunaga, less than thiry-five years after the missionaries first came, as many as 150,000 Japanese were Christians. Nobunaga was not among them, although he seemed more sympathetic to the foreigners and their creed than to the despised native Buddhists. (IJR, 171)
 
St. Francis Xavier Labors in Japan, 1549
Tokugawa Crest
Toyotomi Hideyoshi on horseback
Toyotomi Hideyoshi
He who lives by the sword will die by the sword, it is said, and so it was with Nobunaga, who died quelling a fairly minor rebellion in some of his own following. He was succeeded by his most brilliant general [Toyotomi Hideyoshi]. ... At first this dictator seemed complacent towards religion, without the vindictiveness of Nobunaga. He allowed Tendai, Pure Land, and Nichiren groups to become active again, and remained on cordial terms with the Christians. Then, suddenly, in 1587, he turned against the missionaries in an edict forbidding their activities; why is not entirely clear, but it is likely that he came to fear the faith’s growing power. ...
 
The 26 Christian Martyrs being crucified
 
The ruler seems to have had advice that, as the example of the Philippines and the Americas made clear, missionaries were not seldom followed by European regiments and colonial governors. ... The twenty-six martyrs of Nagasaki described in Chapter 2, both European and Japanese, both Franciscans and Jesuits, perished on crosses at Hideyoshi’s order in February of 1597. Hideyoshi himself died the following year. Christians were given a short respite as power shifted, after some vicissitudes, to the third great warlord, Tokugawa Ieyasu. (IJR, 172-4)
Tokugawa Crest
Tokugawa Ieyasu
Tokugawa Ieyasu
After well over a century of almost constant conflict between power-hungry warlords, Japan was ready for peace, and the Tokugawa were ready to impose it. For their two-and-a-half centuries, if not quite the well-regulated, clockwork society its masters envisioned, Japan was without external war and suffered only internal disturbances. With peace came, as it usually does, relative prosperity despite famine years, and considerable cultural creativity. However, poverty and unrest in the countryside only grew worse as the years advanced, even as the commercial sector became more and more prosperous.
 
Christians being hung over and in excrement
 
However, it was not a time of peace for Japan’s remaining Christians either. The Tokugawa regime, alarmed by news of Eurpoean expansion, desirous of a society without significant internal dissent, and determined that Japan must cut itself off from the rest of the world, enacted increasingly harsh decrees against Christianity, until by 1623 the religion was subjected to unspeakably cruel persecution. Christians were tortured until they recanted or died, and were forced to spit or stamp on crucifixes. ...
 
Man stepping on an image of Christ on the cross in front of officials (in order to prove that he is not a Christian)
 
Some Christian families remained faithful, however, throughout the long Tokugawa era; when missionaries finally returned in the mid-nineteenth century, they found Kakure Kirishitan, “Secret Christians,” who, without priests, had kept alive sometimes garbled versions of the Lord’s Prayer, the Hail Mary, and the Creed, and who worshiped by such ingenious devices as placing a crucifix behind a Buddhist image. (IJR, 175)
 
Poster for Martin Scorses's movie "Silence"
Tokugawa Crest
Entrance Gate of Yushima Seido, a Confucian Temple at which the Shoheiko (Confucian school for training the bureaucracy) was located
 
Confucius
In medieval China, a new school of Confucian philosophy arose. It continued the ancient sage’s humanistic emphasis on a harmonious social order and the realization of one’s true inner nature as the supreme good. But, influenced by Taoist and Buddhist thought, the tradition now took on a more metaphysical cast. What ultimate view of nature, and of humanity, best led to true humanism and the good society? According to Zhu Xi (1130-1200), the leading Neo-Confucianist, the key is the discovery and contemplation of li (Japanese, ri) or fundamental principles. Everything has its own li, and it is from the supreme li of heaven (tenri in Japanese), earth, and humankind that all else derives. The second most important Neo-Confucianist, the idealist Wang Yangming (1472-1529), considered the li to be ultimately in the mind. (IJR, 176)
 
Samurai studying Confucianism
 
The Tokugawa government was interested more in the organizational powers of Neo-Confucianism than in its cosmological theories. Tokugawa Ieyasu apparently saw in Neo-Confucianism a suitable philosophy for stabilizing and ordering the state. What the Neo-Confucian tradition amounted to was a heavenly sanction for the existing political and social order. Neo-Confucianism in this period served as the main intellectual rationale justifying the existence of the four social classes and their support of the Tokugawa government. The rulers or superiors were advised to be just and benevolent; subordinates were taught to be obedient and respectful. (Japanese Religion, 148; cf. IJR, 177-8)

Confucius with a can of "Spamalot" Spam

The Four Classes

Scholar-Officials/Samurai

Peasants

Artisans/Craftsmen

Merchants

Image representing the Four Classes of the Tokugawa social hierarchy

The Five Relationships

Ruler and Subject

Parents and Children

Husband and Wife

Elder and Younger Brother

Friend and Friend

 
Neo-Confucianism was seen by its advocates as a rational and moral force in society (particularly in politics) that corresponded to the structure of the universe and the nature of life. The rulers may have had personal preferences for Buddhist piety and some sympathy for Shinto teaching, but the government support of Neo-Confucian teachers and advisers was an expression of political duty, in the interest of preserving the social order. The intention of the government policy supporting an official school of orthodox Neo-Confucianists (who taught people the nature of the moral order) was to create moral citizens and thereby preserve social stability. The government sought to tie the political system and social stability to support for Confucian (Chu Hsi) principles, and banned heterodox teachings. (Japanese Religion, 150-1)
Portrait of Hayashi Razan
To know the way of heaven is to respect heaven and to secure humble submission from earth, for heaven is high above and earth is low below. There is a differentiation between the above and the below. Likewise among the people, rulers are to be respected and subjects are to submit humbly. Only when this differentiation between those who are above and those who are below is made clear, can there be law and propriety. In this way, people’s minds can be satisfied. ... The more rulers are respected, and the more the subjects submit humbly, and the more the differentiation is made clear-cut, the easier it is to govern a country. (Religion in the Japanese Experience, 115)
 
Bushido icon with the words (in Japanese): "the (best) of blossoms is the cherry blossom and the (best) of men is the samurai warrior"
The Seven Virtues of Bushido: Respect, Honesty, Courage, Rectitude, Loyalty, Honor, and Benevolence
Bushido
The Way of the Warrior

Like earlier thinkers of the Tokugawa period, Yamaga Soko worried about the inactivity of the warriors (samurai or bushi) in the prolonged peace of Tokugawa, and he proposed a code of personal ethics for warriors. His work, entitled The Way of the Warrior is considered the first systematic attempt to set forth what later was called Bushido. The notions of self-discipline and loyalty in this code of life were very influential for popular ethics in subsequent centuries.
 
When Shinto values such as genuineness, purity of heart, and imperial rule blended with Confucian notions of hierarchy (as embedded especially in the Japanese interpretation of its virtues of filial piety and loyalty), there was an important side effect outside Neo-Confucianism and Shinto institutions per se. A distinctively Japanese understanding of loyalty to one’s lord (and ultimately to the emperor) developed.
 
Womb World Mandala with the emperor in the center (representing kokutai, the national body)
 
This Japanese variant took Confucianism’s emphasis on loyalty and appropriate behavior toward one’s superiors and enhanced it with two Shinto qualities: affect (emotion) and the holographic paradigm. The affective dimension maintained that loyalty does not derive merely from formulas about hierarchical roles. This would make loyalty no more than an external relation. For bushido, loyalty is not role-playing or fulfilling some social contract. In the new Japanese interpretation, loyalty derives at least as much from love, an internal relation with the lord and his house. Such an internal relation reinforces the holographic model of the whole-in-every-part. That is: true loyalty arises from the sincere mindful heart that recognizes how the house headed by one’s lord is reflected within each of its members, including oneself. To turn against one’s lord is to turn against oneself.
woodblock print of a samurai committing seppuku (hara kiri)
In this context, when a vassal could not agree with and follow the command of his lord, seppuku — ritualized suicide — was often the only option. By the holographic model, because the whole is part of the individual, the individual cannot be fully true to oneself and simultaneously oppose the whole. The act of seppuku arises from the double bind of being torn between one’s own position against the whole and one’s identity as reflecting the whole. (SWH, 110-1)
 
[T]he bushido value system gave the samurai a new sense of place in peacetime society. They could bring their values from the battlefield to the bureaucratic offices, where dedication, absolute loyalty, and discipline were equally important. Bushido ideology articulated its values into a formal system promulgated beyond the military class itself. That is: the bushido mentality became potentially a model for all Japanese — its elements promulgated in the Japanese public schools of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries under the rubric of “moral education.” (SWH, 111-2)
Tokugawa Social Hierarchy with Meiji Era Roles of Salaryman (in a business suit with samurai armor) and "Good Wife, Wise Mother" (wife/mother with children)